Turkish president vows to boost judicial reform efforts

The Turkish president on Wednesday pledged to step up the country’s judicial reform efforts.

“In the new judicial year, we’ll accelerate our judicial reform efforts that will relieve both our justiciary organization and our nation,” Recep Tayyip Erdogan told a ceremony in the capital Ankara.

The government has “rolled up” its sleeves for a new judicial package, he said at the event marking the opening of a new service building for the Supreme Court and the start of the 2021-2022 judicial year.

“Our friends will bring this new package on the parliament’s agenda as soon as possible,” the president added.

“Our reform strategy is based on our ideal for a free individual, a strong society, and a more democratic Turkey,” he said.

On March 2, Erdogan announced a human rights plan, unveiling 11 principles set to be carried out in the course of two years.

It was designed as a “broad-based” plan to strengthen rights protections, individual freedoms and security, judicial independence, personal privacy, transparency, and property rights, as well as protect vulnerable groups and enhance administrative and social awareness of human rights.

New constitution

On a possible new constitution for Turkey, Erdogan said the country’s Justice and Development (AK) Party plans to make public its draft in the first months of the next year.

On similar efforts by opposition parties, he said that negotiating these drafts and forming a common text would be “a big win for Turkey.”

Earlier this year, Erdogan had urged all political parties in Turkey to participate in drafting a new constitution.

The Turkish president’s call for a new civilian constitution has been backed by the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP), an ally of his Justice and Development (AK) Party under the People’s Alliance. Turkey’s current Constitution was drafted after a military coup in 1980.

He later attended another opening ceremony for new buildings in the capital, including a training center for intervention in social events, which he said was financed with €1.32 million ($1.56 million) from the EU.

Source: Anadolu Agency

Medical tourism adds to appeal of Turkey’s Antalya

Leisure tourism may well be Antalya’s greatest attraction, but there is another reason why people from around the globe make a beeline for Turkey’s famous Mediterranean resort city – medical tourism.

With its pristine beaches and natural beauty, rich history, and modern facilities, Antalya remains Turkey’s undisputed tourism capital, drawing millions of visitors every year.

The city also boasts high-quality medical infrastructure, including top doctors and state-of-the-art health facilities.

Hospitals in Antalya offer treatment in all areas, including major surgeries and organ transplants, dental care, hair transplants, and cosmetic surgeries.

Marianella Bustamante Calancia came to Antalya from Colombia for dental issues that had been bothering her for five years despite a surgical procedure back home.

“My treatment was in Turkey was quick and very effective. My pain is completely gone,” she told Anadolu Agency, praising Turkish doctors and health staff for their professionalism.

Natalia Evrikova, a 35-year-old Russian woman, said a friend advised her to seek treatment in Turkey for a persistent dental problem.

“The operations were painless. I am leaving Turkey as a very satisfied patient,” she said.

*Writing by Seda Sevencan in Ankara

Source: Anadolu Agency

‘Turkey’s experience, knowledge very crucial for Uzbekistan’

Turkey’s experience and expertise are “very crucial” for Uzbekistan, the latter’s Ambassador to Ankara, Alisher Agzamhadjaev, told Anadolu Agency in an interview marking the Central Asian country’s 30th independence anniversary.

“Today, we evaluate Turkey’s experience and knowledge in almost all fields and try to apply it in our country,” he said, adding Turkish experts currently work as consultants in most ministries in Uzbekistan.

Recalling that Turkey on Dec. 16, 1991 became the first country to recognize the independence of Uzbekistan, Agzamhadjaev said Ankara thus fulfilled its “fraternal duty.”

“As Uzbekistan, we always welcome this important support of Turkey 30 years ago with our sincere gratitude,” he said.

“Years will pass, Uzbekistan’s 40th, 50th and 100th anniversary of independence will be celebrated, and Turkey’s valuable support will always be remembered with appreciation.”

Agzamhadjaev went on to say that diplomatic relations between Ankara and Tashkent were initiated on March 4, 1992, noting that next year will mark the 30th anniversary of bilateral diplomatic links.

“In general, we should say that Uzbek-Turkish relations have moved to a completely new level in terms of quality in the last five years,” he said, referring to the period which started with the presidency of Shavkat Mirziyoyev, who was elected as the country’s new leader following the demise of Uzbekistan’s first President Islam Karimov.

Strategic partnership

Agzamhadjaev underlined that the mutual visits of the countries’ leaders and top officials over the past five years raised relations between the two states to the “level of strategic partnership,” which resulted in the signing of many agreements on cooperation in various fields

He highlighted that in the last five years, memorandums on cooperation and exchange of experience have been signed between the relevant institutions of Uzbekistan and Turkey in various fields, including health, safety, education, culture, finance, jurisprudence, agriculture, forestry, environment, construction, tax and archive services.

“Today, bilateral trade relations continue to rise without slowing down,” he added.

The envoy said that the number of companies with Turkish capital currently operating in Uzbekistan is over 1,744, while 1,377 of them were established in the last five years.

“These figures reveal the effectiveness of Turkish businessmen in Uzbekistan in recent years. In this way, the bilateral trade volume, which was around $1.3 billion five years ago, has more than doubled in recent years, and we expect it to reach $3 billion by the end of this year. It is estimated that this figure will climb to $5 billion, which was determined as the trade target, within two years.”

Last five years

Agzamhadjaev emphasized that there have been “major democratic changes” in the country in the last five years.

“Action items such as improving the state system and public structure, ensuring the rule of law and reforming the judicial system, liberal economy and economic development, development of social life, public order, harmony between nations and religious tolerance, and following a far-sighted foreign policy have been implemented with determination and started to show results today,” he noted.

Describing the president’s “new Uzbekistan” strategy as the “third renaissance” or “third awakening,” the envoy said the territory of today’s Uzbekistan from ancient times to the present has gone through “two great periods of awakening,” which refer to the period of the 9-12th centuries and 14th-15th centuries when the renowned scholars, physicians, theologists, poets and thinkers such as Imam Bukhari, Imam al-Maturidi, al-Biruni, Ibn Sina (Avicenna) and Ali-Shir Navai left their trace in history.

“As seen in history, there have been two important periods of awakening in our country. Our people today are the generation of those who made those historic periods come true,” he said.

In the last five years, Uzbekistan has primarily “solved its problems with neighboring countries,” and “its borders have been opened,” while the economic, cultural and human relations between the countries of the region also started developing rapidly, he said.

“The new Uzbekistan also takes initiatives in international and regional organizations.”

‘Indomitable will’

Agzamhadjaev recalled that 30 years ago, he participated in the voting of the resolution on the independence of Uzbekistan in the country’s parliament as a deputy and “had the honor of voting for the independence” of Uzbekistan.

Success was achieved with the “indomitable will” and “great efforts” of the Uzbek people, he stressed.

“As a sovereign state, our country has acquired a valuable place in the world society,” he said, adding that “modern statism” was established in Uzbekistan.

In a short period of time, the Central Asian country adopted its national flag, constitution and coat of arms, put into circulation the national currency and created gold and foreign currency reserves and formed armed forces to protect its sovereignty and national interests, the envoy said.

New generation

Referring to the “new generation” that was born during the past three decades, the ambassador said this generation grew up in an “environment of freedom and independence.”

“The generation of independent Uzbekistan is completely different. It is the new generation that deeply understands its own values, its own roots and history. This was made possible by the revival of our ancient history, rich cultural heritage, national and religious values, and identity during the years of independence.”

He also underlined that over 135 different nationalities “live in harmony and peace” in Uzbekistan.

“Today, Uzbekistan is a country that has stood up, has its own word and reputation in the international arena, and is advancing towards its goals with great determination in line with the vision of the ‘new Uzbekistan – third renaissance’ motto under the leadership of President Shavkat Mirziyoyev,” he said.

Turkic Council

Uzbekistan was accepted as a full-fledged member of the Turkic Council in 2019.

“The announcement of Kokand city in Fergana province of Uzbekistan as the Tourism Capital of the Turkic World and the city of Khiva in the province of Khwarezm as the Cultural Capital of the Turkic World in 2021 reflects the successful work of Uzbekistan as part of the Turkic world,” he said.

The Turkic Council was established in 2009 as an intergovernmental organization with an overarching aim of promoting comprehensive cooperation among Turkic-speaking states.

It consists of Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkey and Uzbekistan as member countries, and Hungary as an observer state.

Source: Anadolu Agency

OPINION – Iran and Russia in the Caspian; real allies?

Russia and Iran experience many diplomatic, economic, and military engagements In the Caspian Sea, marking the complexity of the two countries’ regional interests and tensions. The Caspian Sea has never been a top priority in Iran’s foreign policy compared to its Southern waters. Nevertheless, in recent years, particularly after widespread Iranian reactions to the demarcation of the Caspian in the 2018 Aktau Agreement (signed in the City of Aktau in Kazakhstan), the country has paid more attention to policies towards Caspian littoral countries, especially to powerful Russia and ambitious Azerbaijan. The Caspian Sea was a Russo-Iranian sharing water between the 1920s and 1991. Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, Kazakhstan, Azerbaijan, and Turkmenistan insisted on a minimum 20-percent share of the sea. Moscow and Tehran, on the other hand, persisted that the Soviet-Iranian settlement would be valid in the post-Soviet era.

The Aktau Agreement resolved the demarcation issue between the littoral states. It took 22 years, 52 working groups, and five Caspian Sea summits to reach the agreement. It gives each state 15 nautical miles from its coast as sovereign water and ten additional nautical miles as an exclusive commercial fishing zone, with the rest of the sea beyond that open to all five states for common use. The signatories were however unable to resolve the issue of the Caspian Sea’s vast seabed resources. To fix the problem through further negotiations, the littoral countries came up with a special legal mechanism that defines the body of water as neither a lake nor a sea. Iran and Russia insisted that the construction of all sub-surface energy pipelines be approved by all five states, even if only two consenting states were involved. This provision of the Aktau Agreement gives Russia and Iran the power to prevent Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, and Turkmenistan from transporting oil and gas to Europe, implying a larger share of the European energy market for Russia and Iran. Meanwhile, Iran will find the opportunity to obstruct Azerbaijan’s plans for the disputed Araz-Alov-Sharg hydrocarbon field.

Iran and Russia benefited as well from the Aktau Agreement’s prohibition on non-littoral military presence in the Caspian while sharing waters beyond the 25-nautical-mile territorial and fishing zones. Preventing Western powers from encroaching on the Caspian has long been a Russian and Iranian concern, and is perhaps the most significant shared interest in the Caspian. By not limiting the size of its fleets, Aktau gave Russia, the dominant power, and Iran, which has the second-largest flotilla in the Caspian Sea, the upper hand. Russia and Iran have previously used their Caspian fleets. In November 2015, Russia’s Caspian flotilla launched a cruise missile barrage on Syria, which is about 600 kilometers away. In 2021, Moscow dispatched a portion of its Caspian flotilla west through the Volga-Don Canal to challenge Ukraine’s Black Sea ambitions. Iran, on the other hand, has used its navy to challenge Azerbaijan. Iran’s navy had confronted a BP survey ship under an Azerbaijani contract in July 2001, and it recently began a war game in response to an Azerbaijani maneuver on June 30 this year. According to reports, the Azerbaijani navy exercised the scenario of attacking an enemy in the Caspian Sea (presumably Iran). Iran was quick to respond, and only a few days after Azerbaijan’s maneuver, it began its exercise in its claimed 20% of the sea, calling the Aktau Agreement into question.

Russia and Iran have had a dynamic military relationship in the Caspian, particularly in recent years. In 2015 Russian Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu signed a military cooperation deal with Iran. The two countries agreed to cooperate on joint exercises and military training, counter-terrorism and insurgency operations, and information sharing. Shoigu was Russia’s highest-ranking military official to visit Iran since 2002. The agreement was hailed by Iranians as “a joint response to US interference.” In 2019, Iran and Russia agreed to improve military cooperation in the Caspian, and in 2020 Iran participated in the Russian Kavkaz-2020 military drill there. In August 2021, teams from Russia, Azerbaijan, and Kazakhstan arrived in Iran’s Caspian port of Bandar-e Anzali to participate in the sixth edition of the Sea Cup competition, which was part of the 2021 International Army Games.

Not such good friends

Critics maintain that Russia’s interests in the Caspian have not always been in line with those of Iran. In the early years after the collapse of the Soviet Union, the two countries reiterated that Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, and Turkmenistan were signatories to the 1991 Alma-Ata Declaration, which guaranteed “accomplishment of the international obligations arising from contracts and agreements concluded by the former USSR.” Nevertheless, Moscow later abandoned this view, entering into bilateral agreements with other countries. In fact, Russia started the process of dividing the Caspian years before Aktau. A 2003 tripartite agreement between Russia, Azerbaijan, and Kazakhstan granted Kazakhstan 27% of the seabed, Russia 19%, and Azerbaijan 18% while declaring the Caspian water open for shared use. Needless to say, Iran’s policy was different, insisting on an equal division. Facing severely negative reactions at home, an isolated Iran is the only state among the five that has not yet ratified the Aktau Agreement despite Russian calls to do so.

Once it enters into force, Aktau will give Iran less than others. Given the country’s small coastline and insignificant amounts of verified natural gas and oil resources there, Iran’s position is understandable. Iranians, including parliament members, chastised the Rouhani government, accusing it of making undue concessions under Russian pressure. Many compared the Aktau Agreement to the 1828 Turkmenchay Accord, which gave Russia a big chunk of the contested South Caucuses after Iran’s humiliating defeat in the Russo-Persian war. The Iranian government came under fire from within the country, mainly due to the timing of the deal. Many believe that Russia exploited Iran’s vulnerable position as a result of enormous US pressure to isolate it. Buckling under heavy US sanctions, Iran lacked the funds and technology to reach the hydrocarbon resources deep in its own Caspian waters. Alienating the Caspian littoral states, particularly Russia, may further isolate Iran. While Iran and Russia had some cooperation through OPEC, Iran’s more ambitious plans to bypass US sanctions by bartering oil with Russia in exchange for goods and services have already proven futile.

Although Tehran and Moscow share the goal of keeping Western powers out of the Caspian Sea, they are not in a full alliance mode, and each has its own policy line. Russia is the only Caspian country with frigate-class warships [12] and superior air power. Iran has been the second most powerful country in the post-Soviet Caspian waters, a position it is now fast losing to other littoral countries, particularly Azerbaijan, because of its old and increasingly outdated flotilla. Due to Russian opposition, [13] Iran is unable to send any vessels from its southern waters to the Caspian via the Volga-Don Canal to boost its military capability in the region. Meanwhile, Azerbaijan has bolstered its flotilla with Turkish and Israeli vessels and equipment. As of 2021, Azerbaijan has 44 vessels in the Caspian Sea, most of which are small but heavily armed.

Some believe that Russia’s exploitative approach to Iran in the Caspian is not an exception and should be seen as part of the overall Russian foreign policy approach towards Iran. For instance, despite cooperation and shared interests, Russia does not want to see significant Western investment in Iran, particularly in the hydrocarbon sector, as this could increase Iran’s competitiveness against Russia. In April 2021, a leaked tape of Iran’s former Foreign Minister Javad Zarif offered a glance at the behind-the-scenes of the Russia-Iran relationship. According to Zarif, Russia “put all its weight” behind creating obstacles in the way of the normalization of the relationship between Iran and the West, trying to ”sabotage” Iran’s nuclear deal. Zarif’s tape also revealed that Vladimir Putin persuaded Major General Ghasem Soleimani (and thus Iran) to become more involved in the Syrian war, despite the fact that Iran’s adventure in Syria served Russian interests more than Iran’s. Further developments in the Syrian war showed widening disagreements between Russia and Iran, which lost its position among Assad’s allies to Russia after the direct Russian military intervention in 2015. One of the most recent examples of the eroding Russia-Iran relationship in Syria is that Ankara and Moscow did not include Iran in their talks in Sochi on the situation in Idlib despite the trilateral structure of the talks at the outset. It was not the first time that Russia had preferred not to involve Iran in regional issues.

Russia also pushed Iran out of the peace efforts in the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh War, choosing to work with Ankara instead, even though both sides of the war were Iran’s neighbors. It appears that Iran has become more focused on its “look to the East policy” (mainly considering Russia and China), particularly after Donald Trump’s withdrawal from Iran’s nuclear deal and draconian US sanctions against Iran, which the Biden administration has so far kept in place. However, Russia’s foreign policy in Syria, Iran’s nuclear issue, and the Caspian Sea have led some to believe that Moscow regards Iran as an ”expendable asset” [19] rather than a strategic partner.

*Opinions expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Anadolu Agency.

Source: Anadolu Agency

Young Indian girl uses coconuts to promote sustainable ways of living

As the world observes World Coconut Day on Thursday, an Indian girl is working on making life sustainable by converting waste coconut shells into eco-friendly items for daily use.

Twenty-six-year-old Maria Kuriakose from Kerala, who has a background in business and economics, did her schooling in the state and then went to Mumbai for further studies and a job. She stayed there for seven years.

After that, her strong interest to do something different brought her back to her home state. She wanted to work with natural products as it would also benefit the farm sector.

Maria chose Thenga, which is “coconut” in her native Malayalam language, to produce kitchenware. Thenga is also her brand name for these products.

“A coconut is something in which you can utilize every part. Coconut also holds an important part in the life of every Keralite [resident of Kerala]. It is also known as the tree of life in Kerala. I decided to make use of coconut shells which were wasted earlier,” Maria told Anadolu Agency.

Coconut is Kerala’s major crop, but Maria realized that except for coconut oil, all other parts of the coconut were discarded and wasted. She saw that coconut shells were burnt as a waste product and only a fraction of them were converted and used as activated charcoal.

“The coconut shell is a sustainable and long-lasting substitute for plastic particularly for making kitchen items,” she said.

Maria left her corporate job in Mumbai in 2020 and decided to settle in her home state of Kerala to dedicate herself to Thenga, which she had founded a year earlier. She established the manufacturing unit in Thrissur with the help of her father.

She prepared samples of coconut bowls with her mother and approached stores specializing in eco-friendly products. She was thus able to fulfill her dream of starting something of her own.

Maria is concerned about the negative impact that humans are having on Earth, so she never used plastic products, even during her stay in Mumbai.

Thenga is producing around 15-20 products right now, which include coconut bowls, cups, spoons and forks. The cutlery produced by the brand is natural and free from any chemicals. To keep her material completely natural, Maria has trained her staff to make use of coconut oil as a substitute for varnish for the final coat of polish.

They have even started exporting coconut materials to the US, UK and United Arab Emirates through their partners. They have a total of 15 employees, including 12 coconut artisans, for the production of different materials. They source their raw materials from four oil mills with whom they have tied up.

“We majorly see what more products we can develop. We plan to expand our business and customer base. Next, we are working on coconut shell tiles. We also plan to produce furniture, coconut shell toys and coconut containers for packaging materials,” said Maria.

“We have a few items in mind that we want to focus on and improve our product catalogue and also the utility of the products that we are making,” she added.

Source: Anadolu Agency

Tanzania’s WWII veterans need help as their numbers dwindle

Remaining veterans from Tanzania who fought in the World War II are seeking medical and financial support to address their worsening plight because of old age.

Speaking with Anadolu Agency, some veterans said many who served as soldiers, porters and aid workers in Britain’s King’s African Riffles (KAR) army, are seeking support.

Rashidi Hamza, 96, said veterans are disappointed to see that their contributions have been forgotten and most are living in misery without government support.

“We fought bravely to defend the colonial government but our contribution has not been honored,” he told Anadolu Agency. “When I get sick, nobody helps me except my grandchildren. I feel neglected.”

Hamza said veterans need urgent financial support to cater to medical needs and food.

“Some of us are too old to walk on their own,” he said.

More than half a million Africans fought in the World War II. A total of 289,530 were recruited by the KAR and came from Tanzania, Uganda, Kenya, and Malawi.

Tanzania has acknowledged the sacrifice of its nation’s heroes, including WWII veterans, and dedicated July 25 each year to honor their bravery and sacrifice.

A wreath-laying ceremony usually evokes memories and reopens unhealed wounds.

“We recognize WWII veterans and the government is willing to support them in the best possible way,” said Abel Makubi, permanent secretary of the Health and Social Welfare Ministry.

He said the government is still gathering details to enroll veterans in health insurance plans and make them eligible for monthly pensions.

Imran Shamte was barely 20 when he was recruited by the KAR and fought for a cause he hardly understood.

“I was a small boy when I was grabbed from home to go to the war,” he said.

More than 70 years later, memories of defending colonial masters are still fresh.

Shamte, who rose to the rank of corporal in the KAR, is one of the few veterans who are alive from the world’s deadliest war.

“Many of my friends were killed, I feel so sad,” he said.

Shamte said when he joined the KAR, he did not know war tactics.

“I was trained with basic combat operation and taken to the front line,” he said.

Although African soldiers seemed inferior to white soldiers, Shamte said they played an important role.

Laurent Mihayo, 99, is a veteran currently living in a dusty Kanyenye neighborhood in Tabora with his grandchildren.

He said he joined the army in 1941 at the age of 20.

“I worked as a laborer to help the medical team to attend to injured soldiers,” he said.

Mihayo said he was flown to fight in the Eritrean jungle.

“Some of us died there and their remains were never returned.”

The British used propaganda to recruit Africans, such as telling villagers the Germans were plotting to take their land.

During the war, approximately 92,000 soldiers were recruited by the KAR from Tanganyika.

Shamte said although those who returned brought a sense of pride and nationhood, their sacrifice is not honored.

Memories are more than 75 years old: cooking vegetables and rice, cleaning uniforms and shining shoes for senior officers.

Mihayo is proud of his service, even though his memories are mixed.

He said as a Black man fighting for the white man, he could not escape the racism, hostility and discrimination in the line of fire.

“I was harshly treated even though we fought the same enemy,” he said.

Raised in Kanyenye, Mihayo came from a family of nine children. He drew a cooking lesson from his mother, which helped him to cook and serve food to a few white officers.

The father of six children, 12 grandchildren and 22 great-grandchildren, Mihayo had for many years worked as a carpenter before he retired in the 1970s. For years he avoided discussing his war experiences.

Mihayo’s daughter, Kidawa, who takes care of him, said the first time she started hearing stories was five years ago.

“I had both good and bad experiences, none of which I wanted to share,” he said.

Mihayo said his military years helped him to eat right and stay healthy.

“I never tasted alcohol in my life, that is probably the secret of my long life,” he said.

Source: Anadolu Agency